The Hidden Power of Reliquaries

For this post I would actually like to discuss why I love studying Insular reliquaries. I’m currently preparing for my first year review so I’ve had a bit of ‘time’ to reflect on what has drawn me to study this topic in particular. Let us begin by examining at Insular crosiers.

The Kells crosier, currently held by the British Museum, measures 133 cm in length and shows signs of two periods of ornamentation [Figure 1].[1] The crosier was purchased in 1850 by Cardinal Wiseman from a solicitor’s auction, having been left behind by its previous owner for reasons unknown.[2] The crosier bears an inscription on the interior arch of its crook reading, ‘OR DO CONDUILIG OCUS DO MELFINNEN’.[3] George Pertrie identified the names as belonging to ecclesiastical figures from Kells whereas Márie Mac Dermott and Perette Michelli have suggested the royal heir of Cashel, Cú Duilig.[4] The crosier is composed of a wooden core of yew wood which has been encased in copper-alloy sheets. These have been secured by nailing the sheets onto the wooden core and which are further secured through a series of three metalwork knops. The decoration of these knops features a series of zoomorphic interlace and knot-work, dating to the ninth or tenth-century.[5] At one point, the crook of the crosier was broken or cut off, though the wooden was reincorporated into the new crosier head.

Figure 1

The crook follows the same principles of construction as the staff, albeit with the use of silver sheets instead of copper-alloy. A silver collar knop, also contemporary to the crook, was fashioned to secure the crook to the staff. A copper-alloy decorative ridge follows the outward curve of the crosier ending in a small drop-box. The metalwork of the crosier was extended past the wooden core and was slopped downward, thus creating a cavity at the terminal of the crook. The copper-alloy frame of this drop-box features a head at its apex while its copper-alloy panel shows signs of a previous lost gem or glass insert. This panel was slid into the frame and then riveted. These drop-boxes appear on other Insular crosier, perhaps indicating that these crosier are not enshrined relics but actually mobile reliquaries. Whether the practice of enshrined Insular crosiers was initially designed to house relics, to enshrine the staff as a relic, or both is largely undetermined.[6] In describing the wooden core of the Inishmurry crosier [Figure 2] Cormac Bourke has noted its diameter, measuring only 23mm, indicates that it likely did not function outside of providing a support structure.[7] Nevertheless, as Karen Overbey has noted in her recent publication, Sacral Geographies, enshrined crosiers performed as relics through incorporating the motifs of Insular enshrinement.[8] Regardless of whether the inner wooden core was a relic or not, it appeared as such through the application of sumptuous metalwork. The importance of crosiers to Insular art can further be attested through famous crosiers like the Crosier of St Patrick. The Baschal-Isu of St Patrick, supposedly the staff of Christ given to Patrick by a hermit, appears in the Annals of Ireland and is mentioned eighteen times between 784 and 1166.[9] In A. T. Lucas’ essay on the social role of relics in medieval Ireland he suggested that the propensity of bells, croziers, staffs, and their depiction in Insular art was indicative of an interest in the ‘insignia of the ecclesiastic’ within Insular reliquaries.[10] Indeed, the powers of such relics ranged from sources of healing to battle talismans, even acting as badges of office and proof of apostolic succession.[11] In early medieval Ireland, lacking the saints and martyrs of Rome, the ‘early heroes of Irish Christianity were ecclesiastical leaders, in particular abbots and church founders’.[12]

Figure 2

 
Within Sacral Geographies Overbey describes a scene from the Life of St Mac Creiche. A dragon-like monster is terrorising the local population and despite townspeople’s efforts to stop the beast it takes all of their relics and prayers to simple keep the monster at bay. Finally, St Mac Creiche arrives on the scene with his trusty bell and ‘the dragon-like monster breathed fire at the saint, who then struck his bell once, twice—and ‘at the third stroke, a ball of fire shot from the bell into the monster’s maw, and its maw caught fire.’’[13] Not only could relics and their reliquaries be used in power plays and act as performative pieces for the presence of the divine, but within the lives of saints and miracle stories they could also work wonders. This is the key to my interest. While I focus on constructional elements of such reliquaries in my research, the true life blood of my study is the attempt to understand how humanity attempted to understand the invisible, the otherworldly, and the divine. When I look at reliquaries I don’t see the Church, superstition, oppression, or the like. I see a belief, a worldview, a snapshot in time crystallised. This is what keeps me coming back to reliquaries, their expression of the awesome and wondrous. 

-Samuel

Images:
[1] Kells Crosier, British Museum, M&ME 1859.2-21.1

[2] St. Molaise’s bell and Inishmurray Crosier, held at Alnwick Castle in England (photo: http://www.voicesfromthedawn.com/bring-home-the-inishmurray-relics/)


Bibliography:
[1] Overbey, Karen Eileen. Sacral Geographies: Saints, Shrines and Territory in Medieval Ireland. Turnhout: Brepols, 2012: 154-60.
[2] Mac Dermott, Máire. "The Kells Crozier." Archaeologia 96 (1955): 59.
[3] ‘A prayer for Cú Duilig and for Máel Finnén’, translation by Mac Dermott, Máire. "The Kells Crozier." Archaeologia 96 (1955): 104.
[4] Bourke has further noted that the inscription is too worn and incomplete to be used to ascribe a date to the crosier, Bourke, Cormac. "A Crozier and Bell from Inishmurray and Their Place in Ninth-Century Irish Archaeology." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 85C (1985): 160-1; Petrie, George, and Margaret Stokes. Christian Inscriptions in the Irish Language. Vol. 2. Dublin: Royal Historical and Archaeological Association, 1872: 116-7
[5] Bourke, Cormac. "A Crozier and Bell from Inishmurray and Their Place in Ninth-Century Irish Archaeology." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 85C (1985): 161
[6] Bourke, Cormac. "A Crozier and Bell from Inishmurray and Their Place in Ninth-Century Irish Archaeology." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 85C (1985): 150; Murray, Griffin. "Insular-type Crosiers: Their Construction and Characteristics." Making and Meaning in Insular Art: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Insular Art Held at Trinity College Dublin, 25-28 August 2005. Ed. Rachel Moss. Dublin: Four Courts, 2007: 91-2; Overbey, Karen Eileen. Sacral Geographies: Saints, Shrines and Territory in Medieval Ireland. Turnhout: Brepols, 2012: 154-66.
[7] Bourke, Cormac. "A Crozier and Bell from Inishmurray and Their Place in Ninth-Century Irish Archaeology." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 85C (1985): 150.
[8] Overbey, Karen Eileen. Sacral Geographies: Saints, Shrines and Territory in Medieval Ireland. Turnhout: Brepols, 2012: 163-6.
[9] Crawford, Henry. "A Descriptive List of Irish Shrines and Reliquaries. Part II’." The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 13 (1923): 164.
[10] Lucas, A. T. "The Social Role of Relics and Reliquaries in Ancient Ireland." The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 116 (1986): 8;
[11] Clarke, D. V., Alice E. Blackwell, and Martin Goldberg. Early Medieval Scotland: Individuals, Communities and Ideas. Edinburgh: National Museums Scotland, 2012: 30-49;; Overbey, Karen Eileen. Sacral Geographies: Saints, Shrines and Territory in Medieval Ireland. Turnhout: Brepols, 2012: 172-82; Hahn, Cynthia J. Strange Beauty: Issues in the Making and Meaning of Reliquaries, 400-circa 1204. University Park: Pennsylvania State UP, 2012; Lucas, A. T. "The Social Role of Relics and Reliquaries in Ancient Ireland." The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 116 (1986): 13-4.
[12] Overbey, Karen Eileen. Sacral Geographies: Saints, Shrines and Territory in Medieval Ireland. Turnhout: Brepols, 2012: 1.
13] Overbey, Karen Eileen. Sacral Geographies: Saints, Shrines and Territory in Medieval Ireland. Turnhout: Brepols, 2012: 115; Plummer, Charles. Miscellanea Hagiographica Hibernica; Vitae Adhuc Ineditae Sanctorum MacCreiche, Naile, Cranat,. Bruxelles: Société Des Bollandistes, 1925: 76-81.

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Love like a Hare: Monuments and Masculinity in Medieval North Wales

For my PhD thesis I am examining the archaeological and historical evidence for the parks, gardens and designed landscapes of North Wales and North West Shropshire, which were created and used during the medieval period. I am also attempting to find evidence for the variety of people who created, administered and trespassed in these spaces.

There are a variety of written sources available for the period, including court rolls, chronicles and charters. In the main, these have already been examined (Barrell et al undated, Cavell 2007, Jack 1968, Jack 1969, Korngiebel 2007) and a theoretical picture of life has been established through these documents. These were largely created and curated by the English Government, who ruled fourteenth century post-conquest Wales through a network of Lordships and Shires.

These sources however, tell only one side of the story, and there are other sources available to colour the life of the Welsh inhabitants of this world. After the Edwardian Conquest of Wales in 1283, the Princes of Gwynedd and Powys had been replaced at the very top of Welsh society by the Uchelwyr (literally 'High-Born Men'). These men, and their descents, came to dominate native Welsh life until the seventeenth century.

The first generations of the Uchelwyr left a legacy of their largesse and, using the poetry and monumental grave slabs that they commissioned, it is possible to gain some idea of them and their perceptions of themselves in celebration of life and in commemoration of death.

A new genre of poetry flourished in the fourteenth century in Wales. With the loss of Princely patrons and a secure place as part of their retinue, the poet became a peripatetic figure, travelling from individual Uchelwr to individual Uchelwr. The result is a newer, fresher approach to writing and the emergence of new themes within the poetry (Johnston 2005).

Perhaps the finest exponent of this poetry was Dafydd ap Gwilym (c.1315/1320 - c.1350/1370), recognised as one of the finest writers in Europe in the fourteenth century. His poetry has been edited and placed online in 2007 (http://www.dafyddapgwilym.net ).

One of the poems is entitled Serch fel Ysgyfarnog 'Love like a Hare'. Within the poem the pursuit of a hare during the hunt is compared to the pursuit of a woman in the tradition of courtly love. This poem, or at least the dual symbolism within it, appears to have been articulated with a series of grave slabs dating to the same period.

Five grave slabs, dated stylistically to the fourteenth century have survived with images of the hunt on them. The slabs are in St. Asaph Cathedral (Flintshire); Llanyblodwel church (Shropshire); Valley Crusis Abbey and the churches of Llanbedr Dyffryn Clwyd and Ysbyty Ifan (Denbighshire). They cover a wide geographical area, ranging from Ysbyty Ifan on the fringes of Snowdonia in the west to Llanyblodwel and the lowlands of England in the east.

The Grave Slab from St. Asaph Cathedral, depicting a hound pursing a hare

Two themes are represented by the imagery on the slabs. The examples from Valle Crusis and Llanbedr Dyffryn Clwyd depict a hunter and his horn; whilst the other three examples depict variations of a hound pursuing a hare.

Until I began my research, there had not been any study of the place of these grave slabs in their wider landscape context. One issue is the relocation of these grave slabs. The example from Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd is now to be found, weathered and damaged in the porch of the new church, constructed in the nineteenth century to replace its medieval predecessor.

This medieval church was 1km to the north west, and it is the siting of this church and the monument within it which is significant. Situated on the south side of Dyffryn Clwyd (the Vale of Clwyd), this land had formerly been in the possession of Welsh Prince Dafydd ap Gruffudd, a man known, from letters petitioning King Edward I, to have had a love of the hunt (Pryce with Insley 2005: 646-647). Dafydd lost these lands when he rebelled against the King in 1282, and was captured and killed the following year.

The fourteenth century saw an expansion of the parkland in Dyffryn Clwyd and the neighbouring lordship of Denbighshire, with Welsh tenants removed from their former lands by new English Lords to allow for these events (Berry 1994). It would appear that the Uchelwr buried in Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd - his name does not survive on the slab - chose to be buried overlooking a hunting ground which had been used by his Welsh forbearers, as well as by himself under a new imposed Lord and Lordship.

Further research will identify the relationship between the other Uchelwyr buried under the grave slabs and their own particular landscape context. In conjunction with the other evidence recovered archaeologically and which is illustrated within some of poetry, it will enable an understanding of how these men lived in a world transformed in their lifetime.

Contributed by: Spencer Gavin Smith
_________________________

Bibliography:

Barrell, A. D. M., Brown, M. H. and Padel, O. J. (undated) Dyffryn Clwyd Court Roll Database, 1294 – 1422, UK Data Archive, Economic and Social Research Council

Berry, A. Q. (1994) The Parks and Forests of the Lordship of Dyffryn Clwyd, Denbighshire Historical Society Transactions, 43, 7-25

Cavell, E. (2007) Aristocratic Widows and the Medieval Welsh Frontier: The Shropshire Evidence, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 17, 57-82

Dafydd ap Gwilym (2007) [online] available from: http://www.dafyddapgwilym.net

Jack, R. I. (1968) Records of Denbighshire Lordships, II, the lordship of Dyffryn Clwyd in 1324, Denbighshire Historical Society Transactions 17, 13-18

Jack, R. I. (1969) Welsh and English in the medieval lordship of Ruthin, Denbighshire Historical Society Transactions 18, 23-49

Johnston, D. (2005) Llen Yr Uchelwyr: Hanes Beirniadol Llenyddiaeth Gymraeg 1300-1525, University of Wales Press, Cardiff

Korngiebel, D. M. (2007) English Colonial Ethnic Discrimination in the Lordship of Dyffryn Clwyd: Segregation and Integration, 1282-c.1340, The Welsh History Review 23, 1-24

Pryce, H. with Insley, C. (2005) The Acts of Welsh Rulers, University of Wales Press, Cardiff

Beyond Borders welcomes Spencer Gavin Smith

Spencer Gavin Smith is an archaeologist with the Gwynedd Archaeological Trust, based in Bangor, North Wales. He is a former Investigator with the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales and was the researcher and archaeologist for the BAFTA Wales nominated 'Tywysogion' (Princes) - a seven hour Welsh Language television series on the history and archaeology of the medieval princes of Wales.

He is currently writing his PhD on the topic of 'Parks, Gardens and Designed Landscapes of Medieval North Wales and North West Shropshire' at Manchester Metropolitan University. Spencer also blogs about his research at: 

http://medievalparksgardensanddesignedlandscapes.wordpress.com/.

His PhD crowdfunding page is at: http://www.gofundme.com/medievalgardensandparks

We look forward to hosting Spencer's post on 14th century Welsh graveslabs and contemporary Welsh poetry on Monday August 12th! 

The Battle of Dorylaeum

After their first victory at Nicaea, the crusading armies prepared for the tedious march south, deeper into the heart of Asia Minor. Even though the emperor Alexius would no longer direct them as closely as he had, he did send a contingent of Byzantine warriors, under the command of Tatikios, to accompany the crusaders. Whether the Franks liked it or not -- many distrusted and even disliked the Byzantines -- they needed the support of those warriors because they knew the land well: which passes to travel and which ones to avoid. Since the Byzantine guides spent most, or all, of their military careers fighting the Seljuk Turks, they undoubtedly reminded the crusaders of their emperor's advice on numerous occasions.

The first strategy the leading war lords (otherwise known as princes) had to figure out was how they were going to feed an army of about 70,000 people, which also included women and other non-combatant pilgrims. The territory south of Nicaea had been extensively plundered by the Turks, so those lands would not produce enough food to feed such a large army. Also, because Kilij Arslan posed a great threat, they could not divide the army up into several small contingents. So, the princes decided to divide the army in half: The first contingent was made up of Norman warriors from southern Italy and northern France and commanded by Bohemond, Tancred, Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois; the second contingent was composed of warriors from southern France and the Lorraine and commanded by Raymond of Toulouse, Godfrey of Bouillon, Robert of Flanders and Hugh of Vermandois -- brother of the French king. The first half of the army departed Nicaea.

Meanwhile, Kilij Arslan retreated back east, made peace with the Danishmend Emir and secured an alliance with the goal to repel this new and foreign formidable foe. He then marched westward with his own army and that of the Danishmend Emir to Dorylaeum where they lay in wait for the crusaders.

Figure 1

As the first contingent of the crusader army entered Dorylaeum, the sun began to set, signaling the end of the day. Exhausted, the four princes commanded their troops to set up camp, not realizing that Kilij Arslan was hiding quietly in the thickly wooded hills with his army.

At the crack of dawn, the Turks poured down the mountainside, into the valley below where the Franks were camped. Kilij Arslan was thrilled he had caught the Franks off guard and was ready for the kill. Or so it seemed. The crusaders, though, were not caught off guard. They heard their war cries in the distance and saw them advancing.

According to the Gesta Account, 'The wise man, Bohemund, seeing innumerable Turks whistling and shouting from afar with demoniacal voices, straightway ordered all the knights to dismount and quickly pitch their tents. Before the tents had been pitched, he spoke again to all the knights: "Seignors and bravest knights of Christ, behold the battle is now close about us on all sides. Therefore, let all the knights advance manfully against the enemy, and let the foot-soldiers spread the tents carefully and very quickly."'

Hastily, the princes and their troops put on their armor, then engaged the Turks in battle. As custom, the Turkish archers raced ahead of the main army and discharged arrows at the enemy. Fortunately for the crusaders, because their armor was heavier and sturdier, it managed to deflect the arrow heads. However, they were not prepared for the onslaught that quickly followed and before midday, they were surrounded on all sides. "We were all huddled together, indeed, like sheep shut in a pen, trembling and frightened, surrounded on all sides by enemies, so that we were unable to advance in any direction," Fulcher of Chartres recalled.

Figure 2

Just when a crushing defeat seemed imminent, Godfrey, Raymond, Robert and Hugh arrived in the valley with their army and attacked the Turks, breaking through their rearguard. The Turks, exhausted from the fierce fighting, frightened and now surrounded on all sides by the Franks, scattered and retreated to the east, leaving their camp abandoned where the Sultan and Emir's tents stood intact.

Even though the crusaders suffered heavy losses -- among the fallen was Tancred's brother, William -- the battle of Dorylaeum was a significant victory for them. They gained immense treasure -- gold and jewels -- from the Sultan and Emir's tents, but more importantly to them, the victory opened up Asia Minor, allowing for safe passage. Yet, the ferocity of the battle taught the Franks to respect the Turks' might as warriors. Many Franks even admired the Turks for their military prowess. In any case, the battle of Dorylaeum forced them to further enhance their strategy. In order to accomplish that, they needed to be well equipped and fed. But since the crusaders were exhausted, they decided to stay in Dorylaeum for a few days to rest up before preparing for their next journey.

-Contributed by Deanna Proach

____________________

Bibliography:

Asbridge, Thomas. The Crusades: The Authoritative History of The War For The Holy Land. Ecco; New York, 2011.
Hindley, Geoffrey. A Brief History of The Crusades. Constable & Robinson, Ltd; London, 2003.
Krey, August C. The First Crusade: The Accounts of Eye-Witnesss and Participants. Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1921.

Images:

Fig. 1: La bataille de Dorylée (Histoire d'Outremer, XIVe siècle, BN MS Fr. 352 f. 49)

Fig. 2: Guillaume de Tyr, Historia et continuation (BNF Richelieu Manuscrits Français 68, folio 38) (William of Tyre, Historia and continuation (BNF Richelieu French manuscripts 68, folio 38).

Beyond Borders welcomes Deanna Proach

Deanna Proach graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in History from the University of Northern British Columbia in 2008. Since then she has written a historical fiction set in revolutionary France, titled Day of Revenge.  

Day of Revenge was self-published through Inkwater Press, but Proach plans to do many revisions on this project as well as write another historical in the coming years. Her love for History is manifested in the form of a blog:www.crusadesandcrusaders.com. 

We look forward to hosting Deanna's post on the Battle of Dorylaeum on Monday August 5th!

Images of games, images of harmony?

In the study of medieval Spain the term of the convivencia is well known. However, the harmonious image that has often been associated with it has been frequently challenged. The illusion of a peaceful and tolerant coexistence has been dispelled by studies that uncovered episodes of intolerance and violence. One document that has sometimes been used to illustrate the harmony between Muslims, Jews and Christians is the libro de los juegos or libro del ajedrez, dados y tablas. This manuscript, created in Seville in 1283, primarily contains texts on chess, but also on dice and tables. Its illuminations show a wide array of figures, Kings and peasant, men and women, but also representations of Christians, Jews and Muslims. It is not hard to fathom why such imagery of figures of different religions being involved in games of intellect and chance could be used to illustrate their harmonious lives along side each other. Yet, a closer look reveals that this manuscript by no means lacks political and ideological meaning. 

Figure 1

On fol. 22r the viewer can witness a chess game between two Muslims. The two men playing, are depicted as barefoot, with elegant clothing and turbans, apparently Muslims of higher prestige. While they are engaged in the game, they are surrounded by three women, who serve the players food and drinks, and entertain them with harp music. However subtle, some aspects in the image seem to disagree with a tolerant scene of a leisurely court scene.

One of the women appears to cast her gaze upon the player of the right, whose eye do not seem to rest on the game, but rather on her body, whose shape is slightly revealed by her light garment.[1] Though we might just consider this an amusing detail, it can also be understood less humourous. The implied notions of seduction and sexuality depicts the Muslim woman in a negative light for the contemporary audience and thereby puts her characterisation in a longer tradition of the non-Christian Other as lustful.

Figure 2

The male participant of this little flirtation seems to be the object of further ridicule. He is shown as being distracted by his physical desires, thereby questioning his intellectual capacities as well as his abilities in warfare seeing as the former was understood as a metaphor for the later. Finally the position of the image within the manuscript itself seems to be of significance. It is located right opposite of a Western court scene. A position that suggests a comparison between the two courtly scenes. Even though the Muslims appear richly dressed, they pale in comparison to the splendour of their Western equivalent, making these pairs of images a highly ideological argument for the superiority of Christian culture. [2]

An image of a game of dice between a Jew and a Christian shows similar visual policies. It has to be noted, that the manuscript only shows Jews winning a game of dice, but never of chess. This fact alone might be understood as slightly debasing, considering the manuscript tells its audience that chess is the superior game. [3]

The scene on fol. 71V shows such a game of dice between a Christian and a Jew, both players accompanied by an entourage of three. The scene shows the Christian player, who just lost, stretching out his hand with an insulting gesture towards his victorious opponent, while the winner seems to point out his victory with his left hand.

Figure 3

Remarkable in this scene is how each group is characterised.[4] The Christian attendants seem to parallel the forward leaning body movement of the Christian player, suggesting their support and visually emphasising the unity of their group. The companions of the Jewish player, however, seem less involved. One is hardly visible or involved, two of them seem to secretly whisper to each other, appearing to discuss the outcome of the game. This opposition of formal, unified Christians and chaotic Jewish bodies also appears at other places in the manuscript, suggesting that these compositions are signifying qualities of the represented groups.

Even though there are more examples are possible, these two should have given a glimpse of the visual strategies used in the imagery. It does depict Christians along side Jews and Muslims, playing games, communicating a co-existence. However, it is by no means a token of tolerance and acceptance. The superiority of Christians is interwoven into the imagery throughout the manuscript. Thereby frequently affirming its Christian audience of their place in the world of these chaotic times. It seems that the notion of convivencia is not so much an illustrated medieval reality, but rather a concept born from the desires of the modern world with regards to its own past.



-Fabian

__________

1 Constable, Olivia Remie, 'Chess and Courtly Culture in Medieval Castile: The Libro de ajedrez of Alfonso X, el Sabio', in: Speculum 82.2 (2007), 331-332.

2 Robinson, Cynthia, 'Preliminary considerations on the illustrations of Qissat Bayād wa Riyād [Vat. Ar. Ris. 368]: checkmate with Alfonso X?', in Al-Andalus und Europa: zwischen Orient und Okzident, ed. Martina Meller-Wiener (Petersberg: Imhof, 2004), 290.

3 Adams, Jenny, Power play: the literature and politics of chess in the Late Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 55-56.

4 See Robinson 2004, 290 for further observations on the visual distinction between the two groups.

Images: 

1 fol. 22r, Libro del ajedrez, dados y tablas, Manuscript T.I.6. Biblioteca Real del Monasterio de El Escorial. 

2 view on fol. 21v and 22r, Libro del ajedrez, dados y tablas, Manuscript T.I.6. Biblioteca Real del Monasterio de El Escorial.
3 fol. 71v, Libro del ajedrez, dados y tablas, Manuscript T.I.6. Biblioteca Real del Monasterio de El Escorial.

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