Dome of the Rock: A Multi-Cultural Cosmological Symbol

Though Dome of the Rock is a Muslim holy site, the location has served as a place of worship to Jews, Romans, and thirteenth century Crusaders. Having had several cultures present at the site allows for multiple interpretations of the religious, geometric, and cosmological qualities of the building. This abbreviated analysis of Dome of the Rock will include an examination of the octagonal shape of the building, the floor plan, the spherical dome, and the potential meanings behind each feature. A study of these features shows not only an exchange between the cultures that resided on the historic esplanade of Temple Mount, but also a translation of scientific and religious material from several centuries and societies. The Muslim interpretation of these geometric qualities will primarily be deliberated, but as the features are borrowed from earlier buildings and ideologies, an analysis from other cultural perspectives is also necessary to fully comprehend the possible religious and scientific philosophies represented in geometric forms.

 Dome of the Rock was created to promote the triumphant rule of Abd al-Malik, who began construction in 690 CE.[1] Prior to the architectural accomplishments of Malik, Temple Mount was home to a structure created by his predecessor, Umar.[2] The wooden structure of Umar was overshadowed by the Christian building below Temple Mount, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.[3] With Islam on the rise, Malik’s empire required a building of grandeur and beauty that would compete with his rival rulers. Malik’s design incorporated Christian architectural features which were translated into Islamic symbols upon completion. The most notable borrowed form is the octagonal shape of the building, comparable to SS Sergius and Bacchus in Constantinople (526-37 CE) and San Vitale in Ravenna (526-47 CE).[4] The Christians' use of the number eight makes reference to several biblical events.  Firstly, the number eight could make reference to God creating the world. The Bible records in Genesis that the world was created in seven days, and the eighth day was the first day of celebrated life.[5] Genesis 21:4 also alludes to the number eight, stating: ‘When his son Isaac was eight days old, Abraham circumcised him, as God commanded him’.[6] Christ’s eternal divinity is also represented in the number eight turned on its side, creating the symbol for infinity.[7] Eight-sided Christian baptisteries are also common, perhaps making reference to the mass flooding of the world where Noah rescued eight people on his Ark.[8]

These Christian beliefs were likely overlooked by Malik, who preferred the use of geometric forms in iconoclasm and as a representation of balance. This idea is supported in Oleg Grabar’s analysis of Dome of the Rock, where he reveals that the octagonal exterior was used for the creation of a geometrically sound interior.[9] This geometric perfection was revealed in what was thought to be an imperfection, the non-symmetric locations of the columns within Dome of the Rock.[10] According to Grabar, ‘the sets of columns in the circular arcade are not symmetrical but are a few centimeters off from what their geometrically correct location would have been.’[11] The column placement is reaffirmed when consideration is given to a layout based on two crossing squares (see image, red lines).[12] This same scheme is used in the design of the dome (see image, blue lines).[13] K.A.C. Creswell, an architectural historian, was the first to realize the geometric implication of the layout.[14]

The crossing of the two squares is the Seal of Solomon.[15] It is geometrically sound as the squares are identical, overlapping at a forty-five degree angle.[16] The use of squares is as equally accepted as the use of triangles, creating the six-pointed Seal.[17] The use of the Seal of Solomon within the layout is representative of the Jewish, Christian, and Muslim presence at the site.[18] The use of the Seal in the design encourages the idea of a former palace or throne having been on the esplanade, but it may also serve an apotropaic function. The Seal originates from a design on a ring, given to Solomon by God.[19] The ring was meant to give Solomon the power to defeat the evils of Djinn, wicked spirits.[20] Evidence for the existence of this ring is sparse, but the use of the design at Dome of the Rock may have been in hopes to absorb the same powers the supposed ring possessed.[21] The repetitious use of the Seal in the creation of the dome and the layout signifies the Islamic appreciation for geometric perfection, and emphasizes the importance of this particular symbol in the Arab community. With the mix of cultures that have been present at Dome of the Rock it is difficult to pin point whether the use of the Seal is for geometric aesthetics or in honor of Solomon. It is perhaps best to assume that both the mythical event and the geometric pattern were of equal value being that the Seal allowed the wearer to control the elements of the spiritual world, while the pattern emphasizes balance and the coexisting of opposites much like the Chinese yin & yang. 

The use of the star pattern could also be a Christian symbol of Heaven, making the building a star fallen from the celestial realm. The dome is representative of the firmament, the divider between the waters of Heaven and earth. The firmament is described in Genesis 1:6-8 with God having stated,

‘Let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters, and let it divide the waters from the waters.’  Thus God made the firmament, and divided the waters which were under the firmament from the waters which were above the firmament; and it was so. And God called the firmament Heaven.’

The roundness of the firmament was also considered by Ptolemy, Aristotle, and Copernicus, who used this concept in the creation of a spherical universe, with the outer most layer containing stars.[22] With this in mind, it could be suggested that the dome of the structure is the biblical firmament and the eight-pointed star represents the stars as placed by the Greek philosophers. If the number eight is once again considered as a reference to infinity, the placement of the geometric star could be understood as the infinite existence of heaven, or 'paradise', which could also be hinted to in the iconoclastic choice of lush foliage mosaics on the interior walls.

Dome of the Rock’s floor plan has more recently been examined in drawings by Alain George of the University of Edinburgh. His geometric analysis, which was used to compare Dome of the Rock to the third manuscript page of the Sanaa Qur’an (right), embraces the geometric pattern known as The Breath of the Compassionate (below on the Sanaa Qur'an and the Dome of the Rock floor plan).[23] This name was given to the pattern by the Great Master Ibn al-Arabi (1165-1240), who used this design to depict the creation of the universe through the unity of the elements.[24] The four elements are exemplified in each corner of the crossing squares, the four circles, and the four legs of the cross created in the center.[25] The number four is also symbolic of the four seasons, and the four cardinal directions which are represented in the four entrances of Dome of the Rock.  The four seasons are of importance because the number twelve is also prevalent in the design. Twelve columns circle around the Rock, perhaps as a representation of the twelve months of the year, a number designated by the zodiac. Therefore, since the geometric pattern embraces the concept of the elements, the calendar, and mythical stories of Creation, it is an idyllic Medieval representation of the cosmos. This pattern is also most mandala-like having included the use of both circles and squares.

                          

This analysis is a fraction of the story. So what is the meaning behind the geometry at Dome of the Rock? I believe there may be connections to Sumerian and Babylonian cosmology as well, but all theories are speculative as there is no primary documentation that makes a direct reference to sacred geometry within the architectural layout. It is possible that centuries of exchange of religious and scientific ideologies were documented, and perhaps were in the hands of Abd al-Malik at the time of construction, allowing for today's scholars to make cross-cultural analyses of the design. What we are left with is a multitude of theories from varying cultural backgrounds, perhaps making Dome of the Rock a true 'navel of the world' as suggested in medieval T-O cartography.

~Emily

[1] Grabar, Oleg. The Dome of the Rock. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006,

 pg 44.

[2] Henry Luttikhuizen and James Snyder, "Islam and the Middle East," in Snyder's Medieval Art, by Dorothy Verkerk, 2nd ed. (Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, 2006), pg. 220. Note that the first actual structure was a work of Umar, and likely an oblong building made of wood.

[3] Ibid.

[4] David Talbot Rice, Islamic Art. (New York: Praeger, 1965), pg. 11.

[5] Hilary Richardson, "Number and Symbol in Early Christian Art," The Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 114 (1984): pg. 28-47.

[6] "Genesis 21:4." In The Holy Bible. Paterson, NJ: St. Anthony Guild Press, 1952.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Grabar, 74.

[10] Ibid.

[11]Grabar, 75.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Grabar, 76. Creswell’s drawing is taken from Grabar’s book as well. Do note it has been enhanced with colour in order to display the use of the Seal of Solomon.

[15] Daud Sutton, Islamic Design: A Genius for Geometry (Somerset: Wooden Books, 2007), pg. 8.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Grabar, 36.

[19] J. MoG. Dawkins, "The Seal of Solomon," The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, no. 2 (October 1944): pg. 147, accessed July 19, 2012.

[20] Ibid.

[21] The association of apotropaic qualities is heightened when consideration is given to magic squares. Geometry specialist, Keith Critchlow notes that the Seal of Solomon design is a common outcome in 9x9 magic squares, which emphasize the symmetry between even and odd numbers. Keith Critchlow, Islamic Patterns: An Analytical and Cosmological Approach (New York: Schocken Books, 1976), pg. 54-55.

[22] Edward Grant, Planets, Stars, and Orbs: The Medieval Cosmos, 1200-1687(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pg. 308.

[23] Alain George, The Rise of Islamic Calligraphy (London: Saqi, 2010), pg. 80. See Sutton, pg. 8 for The Breath of the Compassionate.

[24] Sutton, 8.

[25] Also included in George’s design is the versica piscis, the Christian ‘bladder of the fish,’ which represents the uniting of two forms. Priya Hemenway, The Secret Code: The Mysterious Formula That Rules Art, Nature and Science (Köln: Evergreen, 2008), pg. 50.

Of gender, scribes and academics

A number of the most recent posts on our blog have been concerned not only with women, but with women who were agents of high cultural productivity in the Middle Ages. I have been very glad to read about these cases and more so about the fact that the idea of writing medieval women does not seem like an anachronism anymore. It also made me consider how the scholarly discourse on any given topic is not exempt from preconceived ideas and how they may obstruct the way for new ideas and findings. To illustrate this point I have chosen the example of the scriptorium of the Cathedral in Essen, in the area that is today known as the Ruhr Area, in Germany. Recently, this area has experienced a transformation from the industrial to the commercial, from smoking chimneys to no-smoking signs. Despite being highly defined by the industrialisation period, the Ruhr Area’s roots go back to the Middle Ages. One of the most well known parts of its history is the Cathedral of Essen, which was used as the church of the Essen Abbey until the convent became secularised in the beginning of the 19th century. This convent of women, often from a noble background, was established in 845.

 

It became not only a centre of learning for women, but also played an important role in disseminating Christianity. However, I do not intend to give a full historical draft of the convent, but instead, I will point out one particular development from the 9th to the 10th century when the Abbey was not only home to numerous women, but also to an established and highly productive scriptorium. We owe this recognition to Katrinette Bodarwe, who gave convincing evidence for the scriptorium's existence by a comprehensive palaeographic analysis of all the surviving material. Its beginnings in the 9th century (first evidence dates from 874) can only be asserted with difficulty, especially as a fire in 946 destroyed part of the collection. However, shortly after the fire, in the second half of the 10th century, the scriptorium bloomed and became more productive as ever before, and as it would ever be.1

This might have been due to the pure necessity of re-establishing the library collection after the fire. However, it is also possible to see a connection to the highly active abbess of the abbey: Mathilde II, granddaughter of Otto the Great. Evidence shows that the Ottonian Abbess went beyond the general organisation of the daily life of the abbey, she established contacts from Rome to England and was patron to artefacts as the famous Otto-Mathilde Cross. Furthermore, the scriptorium also had its most flourishing phase during her reign. After the fire, the scriptorium did not only produce manuscripts for the basic needs of an abbey. Instead, evidence suggests that the scriptorium additionally worked on creating an extensive collection. The manuscripts that were created in the scriptorium of Essen in the second half of the 10th century are of a wide variety of texts, from liturgical to classical texts, many of which go beyond what would have been considered a necessity for the abbey. One might speculate here, that it was also one of Mathilde's political aims to have the abbey become a centre of learning under the Ottonian rule, an aim that was unfortunately not pursued by later abbesses.2

 However, my point here is neither to give a full account of Bodarwe's finding on the existence of the scriptorium in Essen nor to speculate about the role the Abbess might have had in its blooming, rather I want to point out that Bodarwe's argument, though generally accepted widely, also met resistance in the scholarly sphere. As important as the criticism of every new finding is, it struck me as interesting how estranging the argument for a female scriptorium in the early Middle Ages seems to have been at the beginning to some. And to my knowledge it is not the only case where the culturally productive medieval woman is met with resistance. For example, the nun and poet Hrotsvit has been discussed with regards to questioning her authenticity, and the actual gender of the author. Does an early medieval female author or female scribe bring unease to the established image of the medieval woman? The image of the past role of the women seems to need as much liberation of preconceived ideas as women of more modern times needed and unfortunately still need. And while without a doubt, new scholarship needs to withhold the 'hot seat' as much as the old, it seems noticeable that certain theories get called more into question than others. An older academic, not without recognising the irony, noted to me that the idea of writing an art historical PhD on pipe cleaner estranged him as much as his own thesis probably estranged others when he wrote it. It makes me wonder whether this is the normal circle of life within the academic discourse. Each field does constantly get expanded, reinvented, rediscovered, however, does this by necessity mean that the old cannot embrace the new? Is the estrangement unavoidable? I'd like to think not, but who knows what I will say one day about the most recent developments and position I will take towards new theories. Will I embrace the questioning of established images or will I rush to their defence?

1Bodarwé, Katrinette, Sanctimoniales litteratae. Schriftlichkeit und Bildung in den ottonischen Frauenkommunitäten Gandersheim, Essen und Quedlinburg (Münster; Aschendorff, 2004)

2 See Falk, Birgitta and von Hülsen-Esch, Andrea (eds.) Mathilde. Glanzzeit des Essener Frauenstift (Essen: Klartext, 2011) for a wider account of the activities of the Abbess.

A Study of the (Western) Zodiac Signs in Chinese Art

A Study of the (Western) Zodiac Signs in Chinese Art[1]

 

In 1987 UNESCO listed the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang to be of one of the World Heritage sites on account of its exceptional significance to human history and creativity; and the Mogao caves are also considered one of the earliest and most important surviving examples of Buddhist art in China.[2]  One of the Mogao Grottoes will be considered and discussed in this paper.  However, despite the challenge of limited materials (both primary and secondary sources) and extant artifacts relating to the “Western” zodiac signs in China, I would like to draw a connection between East and West via the route of the Silk Road, officially launched in the 2^nd century BCE of the Han Dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) in China, by tracing the travel and uses of motifs and images of the Babylonian (or Western) zodiac signs.  Due to the breath and depth of scopes of zodiac signs, the visual evidence for this paper primarily focuses on mural paintings from China,[3] which date mainly to the 10^th through 13^th century CE.  However, some additional findings of the Babylonian zodiac in other Asian regions, such as Japan and India, though not be included in this paper, are further indications that art and the visual representation of ideas are not confined by geographical boundaries but were spread by devoted believers, caravans, and other channels.  In this paper, I will firstly consider the origins of the twelve zodiac signs; next will be a discussion of the sites of the discoveries of these zodiac signs in China, and lastly I will offer a scenario explaining the travels of these motifs/beliefs.

Origins

The history of astrology is mysterious and yet lengthy.  Horoscopes, sometimes diagrams of astrological patterns and signs, have existed and been implanted in many ancient civilizations, including Mesopotamia and Greece.[4]  In Greek horoscopes, two features are common:  the presence of twelve signs and their arrangement in a circular pattern with the name of each sign inscribed.[5]  This layout continues into medieval Europe, as evidenced by manuscripts,[6] and later in Asian civilizations.

In the case of China, the idea of applied astronomy and the study of constellations in the early era were documented in ancient texts, and occasionally sketches and diagrams of constellations are accompanied by difficult to decipher texts which were only understood by a very small group of professionals.[7]  Before the introduction of the twelve astrological signs into China, twenty-eight stars or “houses” of astrology were used.[8]  These twenty-eight stars were divided into four groups, an idea of associated with the four directions (North, South, East and West) or with the four seasons; each direction (or season) corresponds to seven or eight stars respectively.[9]  Chinese twenty-eight star astrology in its early stage was used mainly for predicting the seasons and the times of year for agricultural purposes, ritual practices, military combat, and other various others; however, all of these event-predictions were also strongly associated with the destiny of kings and their kingdoms, which became significant in Chinese politics after the 4^th century.[10]  The twenty-eight stars were later incorporated into astronomy and astrology, calendars, and rituals in China until the late Ming Dynasty (1369-1644 CE), circa the 17^th century, when the Jesuit missionaries introduced and demonstrated the accuracy of western astronomical technology in specific events that impressed the Chinese Emperors; the use of the twenty-eight star system was then gradually and completely abandoned at Court.[11]  

Unfortunately, for the use of the Babylonian or Greek astrological signs in China, no literary documents dating before the 7^th century CE have been found.[12]  However, with the imperial patronage of Buddhism, which originated in India, the nomenclature and understanding of the Babylonian zodiac was transmitted to China from the 7^th to 10^th centuries CE through Buddhist sutras.[13]  In its original context of both Babylonia and Greece, the twelve zodiac signs had developed into images that resembled the current popular presentation of the zodiac and its attributes; these pictorial motifs survived in the “Chinese version” of the twelve astrological signs. Babylonian or Greek astrology was thus brought to China, in particular to Dunhuang and its environs, where pictorial records of the constellations and astrology are preserved today.  Furthermore, concerning the use or function of the Western zodiac signs in China, no other literary documents have been found.[14]  Based on the extant pictorial evidence, some of the twelve astrological signs of Babylon were found in Buddhist caves and burial chambers where rituals were practiced and seasons were in play; perhaps we could assume that the use of Babylonian or Greek astrology was sometimes associated with the twenty-eight star astrology in ancient China.[15]

The Locations of Discoveries

            In China, these astrological signs are surprisingly found in several sites, which date from the 7^th to 13^th century, from the Tang to Yuan Dynasties.  These sites are largely confined to the Northwestern region of China, which included the Silk Road.  Among these geographical sites, only two, the Xuanhua tombs (Hebei Province) and the Mogao caves (no. 61), have been studied with images being partially published.[16]  A few objects, included here, are in the collection of the Xixia Museum in the Ningxia Muslim Autonomous Region, having been unearthed in recent years.[17]  My selections in this paper focus mainly on mural paintings because of their state of preservation, visibility and colors.

a. Xuanhua site, Hebei Province

The Xuanhua site, discovered in 1971 with excavations completed in 1975, contains several tombs that share one family name, Zhang. Three of these Zhang family tombs, which are labeled M1, M2, and M5 by Chinese archeologists, feature the Babylonian (or Greek) zodiac signs on the ceilings of several tombs.  M1 is the tomb of Zhang Shiqing, M2 is the tomb of Zhang Gongyou, and M5 is the tomb of Zhang Shigu.   The star ceiling mural from these three tombs displays a combination of both Chinese twenty-eight stars and the Western (or Babylonian) zodiac respectively.

In tomb M1, the twenty-eight stars of the inner circle, depicted as a lotus, are Chinese and the twelve astrological signs of the outer circle are Babylonian.  The master of tomb M1, Zhang Shiqing, died in 1116 AD, and was buried in the same year.  The mural painting of the celestial ceiling is also likely to be dated around 1116 AD.[18]  The most intriguing element of these celestial ceilings are not the twenty-eight stars, which were well-documented in China, but the twelve astrological signs are perhaps the earliest known complete zodiac in Chinese art.  On the ceiling mural of tomb M1, the twelve astrological signs align with the Chinese twelve stars in an arrangement of four directions and four seasons—spring includes Aries, Taurus (which is missing in this mural painting and was probably destroyed by tomb robbers), and Gemini in the West, the summer includes Cancer, Leo, and Virgo in the South, the autumn signs are Libra, Scorpio, and Sagittarius in the East, and finally, the winter signs are Capricorn, Aquarius, and Pisces in the North.   

Ceiling Mural, Xuanhua Tomb (courtesy of Xuanhua Liaomu, Beijing: Wenwu Chubenshe, 2001) 

The reason that the archeologists were able to identify these twelve signs was because of the pictorial similarities between the original Babylonian and “Chinese version” of the zodiac.  The key features of some signs, particularly the animal signs, remain close, such as Aries, Cancer, Leo, Scorpio, and Pisces; however, some signs, at the same time, appear more “Chinese” or “localized”.  For example, a water-bearer as Aquarius was represented as the jar alone in this mural, and the design of the water jar was modified from a Greek high-neck amphora into a short-neck Tang style jar.  The man and woman of Gemini are “Chinese” in customs and appearance, and Virgo is no longer singular, but is depicted as a pair of female figures in different dress and colors.  The symbol of Libra, a scale, has become a Chinese scale, and the man’s head with the horse body of Sagittarius has become a groom leading a horse.  In terms of artistic technique in tomb M1, the artisans generally created outline sketches and then applied the colors to the space, a common technique used in both wall and ink paintings.  Some attempts at shading the volumes of the animals’ bodies to create a sense of three-dimensionality are visible, but are not fully achieved.

The twelve astrological signs from the ceiling mural of tomb M2 survive intact as twelve distinct images displayed in an inner circle, surrounding the lotus at the center.  The constellation ceiling of tomb M2 adds the Chinese animal zodiac signs, locating them at the outer circle of the placement, something not included in tomb M1.[19]  In terms of directional placement, attributes, and artistic technique, the signs are identical to those in the tomb M1.

Tomb M5 lies south of tomb M1 and has been plundered. The inclusion of all three systems of astrology (the Babylonian zodiac, the twenty-eight stars, and the Chinese twelve animal zodiac) is identical to tomb M2; and the placement of the directions of the signs is identical to tomb M1.[20] As for the style and representation of the signs, as well as the directional placement of the zodiac in both M2 and M5, they are similar to those in M1, so we could suggest that both murals were done by the same hand or that the artisans shared a similar artistic tradition or understanding of astrology, although the dates for tombs M2 and M5 are not specified in the excavation report.[21]

b. Mogao Caves, Dunhuang, Gansu Province

The Mogao caves at Dunhuang of Gansu Province are comprised of the North and South Cliffs, with about 1,000 caves in total number.  Cave no. 61 is one of 492 painted caves of the South Cliffs.  The entrance pathway of cave no. 61, which has been touched, repainted, re-inscribed in different styles, time periods, and languages, has not been fully studied.  However, the depiction of the Babylonian zodiac in Cave no. 61 is the most unique feature among the Dunhang caves, because Cave no. 61 is the only cave at Mogao which bears the twelve astrological signs of Babylon.

Both walls of the entrance pathway display both the traditional Chinese twenty-eight stars and the Babylonian twelve-sign zodiac.[22] The key icon on the South Wall, which has been identified as Buddha Tejaprabha, is shown sitting in a chariot, which is surround by Five Stars (Stars of the Four Directions and the Center), and the Sun and the Moon.  In the background is the Chinese twenty-eight astrological stars, with Babylonian astrological signs grouped on the top, bordering the ceiling on both walls. Nine out of the Babylonian twelve signs remain on both walls, and six signs are repeated, namely Aries, Taurus, Virgo, Cancer, Scorpio, and Capricorn; overall they add up to a complete set of the twelve astrological signs from both the South and North Walls.[23]  It is unclear what is the reason for the nine signs on each wall; however, my speculation is that the twelve signs were originally placed on each wall, and that some are now missing, probably covered by later designs and painting.  It is also possible that artists/artisans intended to reflect the accuracy of the constellations in the seasons, and that the North and South walls represented the Northern and Southern hemispheres.[24]  All stars on both walls, as well as the Sun and the Moon, are personified as human figures in Chinese costumes; the rendering of these personified constellations and their compositions are superior to those of the mural paintings of the Xuanhua Tombs.  The refined figures of Mogao Cave no. 61 display characteristics of Tang figure painting tradition, such as round faces with rosebud lips and almond-shaped eyes, full bodies with elaborate drapery which gives a sensuality and weight to the three-quarter profile of the figures; such characteristics were continuously adopted by artists of the Five Dynasties (907-960 CE).

The star murals in the Xuanhua tomb chambers function astronomically in a cosmic setting (perhaps from the perspective or viewing direction of the deceased), but the Mogao caves served as living prayer halls and temples in their time.  The astrological signs in Cave no. 61 may have been associated with rituals and religious practices.  No matter what function they provided, it seems clear to me that the twelve astrological signs were adapted in Northwestern China.[25]

c. Ningxia Muslim Autonomous Region, Xi Xia (Tangut) Museum[26]

            Several painted silk banners, currently in the collection of the Xi Xia (Tangut) Museum, featuring Buddha Tejaprabha, the twenty-eight stars, and the Babylonian zodiac were unearthed in the 1990s.  Although the condition of these silk banners is damaged and fragile, some of the twelve zodiac signs are legible, including Pieces (twin fishes), Aries (a goat), Gemini (twin figures), and Leo (a lion).  The details and composition of the banners are from skillful painters and the use of colors is vibrant.  In addition, their association with Buddha Tejaprabha is identical to the South Wall of Mogao Cave no. 61, even though their artistic styles differ, suggesting that the practice and belief of Buddha Tejaprahba may have prevailed in the northwestern regions under the rule of the Tangut Empire (Xi Xia in Chinese).

           

Scenario for the travel and transformation of the signs

            How did the Babylonian (or Greek) zodiac signs reach the northwestern regions of China? Travel and cultural exchanges on the Silk Road are certainly a known fact.  However, due to diverse cultural, ethnic, and even religious groups who were travelers on the Silk Road, images of the Babylonian zodiac were likely transported via objects, including diagrams, sketches, personal accessories, and other vessels and means.  I map the path of the Babylonian (or Greek) signs from Xuanhua and Dunhuang, to the east, connecting Xi’an, the capital city of Tang China, and reaching Japan; to the west, continuing to Kashgar, where the route splits West, leading to Iran (and neighbor nations), and South, leading to North India.  

Details, Entrance Pathway, Mogao Caves, No. 61, Dunhuang (courtesy of DunhuangResearch Academy, China)

Postscript

As previously noted, this research is challenging and complicated due to its geographical scope and cultural/religious diversity.  Here, I provide no conclusions, but rather wished to raise questions in the study of cross-culturalism.  A few final remarks regarding this research may perhaps add some insights.  One concerns the function of the astrological signs in the surviving artifacts and the other is the symbolic purpose of these motifs.

The medium of the artifacts discussed includes mural paintings and silk banners; their uses mainly focus on ritual and religious practices and functions. Based on the extant scholarship and the visual evidences of this paper, the uses of the Babylonian zodiac signs were largely associated with religious/Buddhist practices in China.  It is logical and sensible that the Babylonian astrological signs should have been displayed in a sequence; the examples of artifacts that I have included in this paper confirm this practice. 

Contributed by: Dr. Diana Y. Chou

---

[1] I would like to express my gratitude to Professors Roderick Whitfield (Emeritus Professor, SOAS, University of London), and Wang Huiming (Dunhuang Research Academy, China) for advising me on the uses of the images and Professor Gerry Guest for editing this paper. A much detailed research of this subject, including Japan and India, will be published in Ancient World History International Conference 2012 Proceedings: The Interchanges and Comparisons between Civilizations (forthcoming, 2013).

[2] http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/440 (accessed on December 19, 2012); Roderick Whitfield, Susan Whitfield, and Neville Agnew, Cave Temples of Mogao: Art and History on the Silk Road (Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute and the J. Paul Getty Museum, 2000).

[3] Due to copyright issues, most images will not be provided here.

[4] Johannes Thomann, “Square Horoscope Diagrams in Middle Eastern Astrology and Chinese Cosmological Diagrams: Were These Designs Transmitted Through the Silk Road?,“ in Philippe Forêt and Andreas Kaplony, ed. The Journey of Maps and Images on the Silk Road (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2008), 97-117.

[5] Johannes Thomann, “Square Horoscope Diagrams in Middle Eastern Astrology and Chinese Cosmological Diagrams,” 98.

[6] Johannes Thomann, “Square Horoscope Diagrams in Middle Eastern Astrology and Chinese Cosmological Diagram,” 99.

[7] Xia Nai, “Cong Xuanhua Liaomu de xintu lun ershiba xu he Huandao shier gong,” Kaogu xuebao, No. 2 (1976): 35-58; Da Xia xunzun: Xi Xia wenwu jisui (Beijing: China Academy of Social Sciences Publishing, 2004), 75-80.

[8] Xia Nai, “Cong Xuanhua Liaomu de xintu lun ershiba su he Huandao shier gong,”35-58.

[9] Xia Nai, “Cong Xuanhua Liaomu de xintu lun ershiba su he Huandao shier gong,” 36-37.

[10] Xia Nai, “Cong Xuanhua Liaomu di xingdu lun ershiba su he Huangdao shier gong,” 39-40.

[11]  David Mungello, The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500-1800 (NY: Roman and Littlefield Publishers, 2009); John Witek ed., Ferdinand Veribest (1623-1688): Jesuit Missionary, Scientist, Engineer, and Diplomat (Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1994); Dunhuang Shiku Quanji, 23: 20-21 (Hong Kong: The Commercial Press Ltd, 2001); Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America, 1542-1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999).

[12] “Liaodai caihui xintu shi wo guo tianwen shi shang de chong yao fa xiang,” Wenwu, 8 (1975): 40-44.

[13] Xia Nai, “Cong Xuanhua Liaomu de xintu lun ershiba su,” 52.

[14] “Liaodai caihua xintu shi woguo tianwenshi shang de zhongyao faxian,” Wen Wu, no. 8 (1975): 40-44.

[15] Xia Nai, “Cong Xuanhua Liaomu de xintu lun ershiba xu he Huandao shier gong,” Kaogu xuebao, No. 2 (1976): 35-58.

[16] Tansen Sen, “Astronomical Tomb Paintings from Xuanhua: Mandalas?,” Ars Orientalis, vol. 29 (1999): 29-54; Wen Wu, no. 8 (1975): 31-39; Tomb Murals of Liao Dynasty in Xuanhua, Cultural Relics Publishing House (Beijing, 2001); Xuanhua Liaomu, 2 volumes (Beijing: Wenwu Chubenshe, 2001); Dunhuang Shiku quanji (Hong Kong: The Commercial Press Ltd., 2001); Zhongguo Meishu quanji: Dunhuang bihua, vols. 14 & 15 (Shanghai: Renming Meishu chubanshe, 1988); Liu Haiwen, ed., Xuanhua xiabali er qu Liao bihua mu kaogu fajue baogao (Beijing: Wenwu chubenshe, 2008).

[17] Genghis Khan: The Ancient Nomadic Culture of the Northern China (Beijing Chuben she, 2004); Selected Treasures from Hejiacun Tang Hoard (Beijing: Wenwu Chubenshe, 2003).

[18] “Liaodai caihui xintu shi wo guo tianwen shi shang de chong yao fa xiang,” Wenwu, 8 (1975): 41.

[19] Xuanhua Liaomu: 1974-1993 nian kaogu fajue (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 2001), vol. 1: 268-277.

[20] Xuanhua Liaomu: 1974-1993 nian kaogu fajue (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 2001), vol. 1: 257-259.

[21] Xuanhua Liaomu: 1974-1993 nian kaogu fajue (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 2001), vol. 1: 250-277.

[22] Tonkō Bakukōkutsu: Tonkō Bunbutsu Kenkyūjo hen (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1980-1982), vol. 5, 23; Dunhuang shiku quanji 23: kexue jishu huajuan (Hong Kong: The Commercial Press Ltd., 2001).

[23] Dunhuang shiku quanji 23: kexue jishu huajuan (Hong Kong: The Commercial Press Ltd., 2001), 20-22.

[24] This speculation requires a further study.

[25] Some scholars have suggested that Yulin Grotto no. 35 also displays the zodiac (Dunhuang shiku quanji 23: kexue jishu huajuan, 22); however, I have not included this cave in the current paper due to a lack published images and study.

[26] Da Xia xunzun: Xi Xia wenwu jisui (Beijing: China Academy of Social Science Publishing, 2004), 176-185.